IF there is any takeaway from the current Madani Government, be it its policies, communication strategy and propaganda, it is its ability to make two wrongs a right.

Look at its pre-election campaign – be it its promises to reduce fuel prices, strengthen the ringgit and defend subsidies, while none had been fulfilled – their spokespersons, from the Prime Minister to Cabinet members, from its apologists, sycophants to cyber-troopers – their narratives are unapologetic, defensive and passing the buck to others and previous administrations.

Without having to scrape the barrel, when the promise of reducing oil prices was raised in 2023, no less than PM Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim argued that it was a promise made in 2008, at a time when Malaysia’s fuel prices were way much higher than that of Saudi Arabia.

His reply however exposed him further as social media users shared his statement a year earlier, in which when asked why Pakatan Harapan, which won the election in 2018 did not fulfil the promise to reduce fuel prices, to which Anwar’s reply then was that he was not the PM.

He was quick to blame Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the coalition’s PM in 2018 and, had he been made the PM, the promise would have been fulfilled.

Now, there are concerns that with the implementation of targeted subsidies, the price of fuel will increase though those in the lower income bracket would still enjoy cheaper rates.

While it sounds like a very pro-proletarian policy, the reality is that when subsidies are withdrawn especially on fuel, it would result in increased prices for all necessary goods as retailers and other business entities would pass the cost to consumers.

In the end, much as the lower income bracket continues to enjoy cheaper fuel rates, they will, however, be exposed to increased prices of goods which effectively lead to higher costs of living.

This is not only a sound formula or theory but one which was bandied by Madani Cabinet members when they were in the Opposition, describing any withdrawal of subsidies as an inhumane act against the common folk.

But formulas are theoretical and some remain just that.

More interesting is the issue of the depreciating ringgit which was not as bad as it is now compared with the period when the members of the current Cabinet were in the Opposition.

It probably sums up what the opposition-turned-government is all about because when Anwar led the Opposition, his take on the depreciating ringgit was that it was because the PM and Government did not know how to rule.

The depreciation of the ringgit then was an important aspect of the Opposition’s campaign, arguing the continuing slide of the currency would cause Malaysians, who are big importers, especially on foodstuff, to suffer higher costs.

To them then, the Government and PM should resign if they are unable to manage such an issue with the negative impact it will have on the general populace.

Obviously, the voters agreed with their contentions as reflected in the voting trend from the 2008 polls until 2013 when they not only managed to deny Barisan Nasional/Umno their two-thirds but ensured the ruling coalition securing less than 50 percent of the popular votes.

By the 2018 polls, the 1MDB scandal had become so horrendous, and with Dr Mahathir leading the Opposition coalition, the once unsinkable BN behemoth bit the dust and Najib Razak became the first Umno president to lose elections.

The 1MDB scandal and Dr Mahathir’s leadership provided the edge for the PH to win as the base was already there since 2008.

This meant that much as the 1MDB and Najib cost the BN/Umno the polls, the PH campaign from the past had already secured a substantial head start for the coalition.

Simply put, Dr Mahathir, combined with the PH’s substantial vote bank, ensured that the PH got the necessary seats and votes to bring about the downfall of Najib and Umno and achieved victory.

The same PH vote bank that was built on the said promises, reforms and fight against corruption.

When the PH supporters et al accepted Dr Mahathir’s leadership, it was because, to them, his support was crucial if Najib and Umno were to be defeated.

Since they accepted him to fight against Najib’s 1MDB and other financial shenanigans, it meant that to them Dr Mahathir was right in fighting Najib’s and Umno’s corruption.

Included in Umno’s corrupted list, which the PH had publicly declared, was his deputy Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and they were unrepentant and should never be forgiven for their sins to the nation.

When Dr Mahathir assumed the PM’s post in 2018, he ensured that the government agencies started investigations into the 1MDB and charge Najib when there were enough grounds.

There were and Najib went through the process.

Zahid was subjected to the same process. When Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin took over, albeit the highly criticised backdoor manoeuvre, Najib’s case was not interrupted and Zahid’s too proceeded.

When Muhyiddin was backstabbed by his earlier co-plotters in the backdoor manoeuvre, and Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri became PM, Najib’s case continued and he was finally incarcerated.

Zahid’s case too proceeded and a prima facie case was established.

Enter Anwar as the PM. Zahid’s case received the DNAA – discharge not amounting to the acquittal of his 47 corruption-related cases despite the prima facie.

Under Anwar’s watch, less than two years after being incarcerated, Najib got his sentence halved and his multi-million ringgit fine discounted by up to 70 percent.

Also under Anwar’s watch, Najib claims that the King had wanted him to not only have his sentence halved but that he was to be placed under house arrest while serving his remaining sentence.

Anwar’s reaction was to pass the buck to the Pardon’s Board and did not even have the gumption to state what the government felt about such clemency to someone he and the rest of PH had declared to be the most corrupt politician ever.

And yet, he goes around on political platforms, declaring that he would not compromise in his fight against corruption, even if the culprit is a Tun, a shark or mere anchovies.

Such remarks are beginning to sound like lines from some South Asian movie. Especially when the whale and the megalodon get reprieves.