A year on, Anwar’s govt still holds on

Despite holding a two-thirds majority in the Parliament, Anwar’s personal approval rating has plummeted to 50%

by RADZI RAZAK

WHEN Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim assumed the role of the tenth Prime Minister (PM) on Nov 24, 2022, a wave of optimism swept through the nation. Social media platforms were inundated with expressions of relief, and some of Anwar’s ardent supporters openly shed tears of joy in public.

The collective anticipation for a revitalised Malaysia was palpable, particularly after emerging from the challenging depths of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Fast forward a year, and the resonance of opposition voices remains robust. Despite holding a two-thirds majority in the Dewan Rakyat under the guise of the unity government, Anwar continues to face vocal criticism.

This dissent is not solely emanating from the perennial Opposition of Perikatan Nasional (PN) and their predominantly Malay-Muslim-centric right-wing rhetoric. Other concerned factions have joined the chorus, expressing apprehension about the trajectory of the nation.

This concern is underscored by the recent findings of the independent pollster Merdeka Centre, unveiled on Nov 22. Anwar’s personal approval rating has experienced a notable decline, plummeting to 50%, reflecting mounting unease regarding Malaysia’s economic performance. This contrasts sharply with the comfortable 68% approval rating recorded in December 2022.

The most recent survey by Merdeka Centre, released on Nov 22, further emphasises the shifting sentiments. In October, 48% of respondents expressed dissatisfaction with the Anwar administration’s performance, revealing a growing disapproval among the populace.

As the country navigates through the evolving landscape of governance and economic challenges, the once buoyant optimism surrounding Anwar’s leadership seems to be encountering its fair share of scepticism and discontent.

“In our view, the movements in voter sentiments are largely driven by their concerns over the economy and how it affects their livelihoods.

“Only 31% of the voters think the country is heading in the right direction while 60% think it is heading in the wrong direction.

“The major reasons for the wrong direction are economic issues (56%), political instability (13%) and poor administration (9%),” the survey showed.

In the December 2022 edition of the poll, Anwar’s approval rating had been 68% while satisfaction with the federal government had stood at 54%.

“In our opinion, the survey reflects the expectations held by the electorate on the administration to regenerate economic growth as well as address longstanding anxiety over inflation and tepid wage growth.

“Other issues that will shape public opinion into the future will include the form and substance of potential subsidies withdrawal, new taxation as well as revamp in the cash transfers programme,” it said, referring to announcements made by Anwar in his role as the finance minister regarding the Budget 2024.

In the poll, 78% said the growth of the economy was their top concern.

Merdeka Centre said its survey, which was self-funded, polled 1,220 registered voters comprising 52% Malays, 29% Chinese, 7% Indians, 6% Muslim Bumiputeras and 6% non-Muslim Bumiputeras from Sabah and Sarawak, reflective of the national electoral profile.

“Respondents were selected on the basis of random stratified sampling along age group, ethnicity, gender and state constituency,” it said.

Salleh says PN will not be any significant threat and will struggle for support as long as Muhyiddin (picture) remained as its leader

Continuation of Islamic-centric Policy from Abim-Umno Days

Political observer and journalist Murray Hunter also wrote that among the things that happened one year on is that Anwar did not really extend the Reformasi promise that he was known for after his sacking in 1998. Instead, Hunter said it is clearly evident that Anwar is following on from his 1990s policies.

“Anwar has steered the government towards continued Islamisation of government. The Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (Jakim) has been given new responsibilities in economic planning and development.

“There are plans to strengthen syariah law in the near future,” he wrote on his personal website.

Anwar was known as an Islamic leader in his youth and headed the Malaysia Islamic Youth Movement (Abim) before being brought to Umno by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed in the 1980s.

Hunter added that the Islamisation brought by Anwar in his current era also occurred in education, where Islamic civilisation is now taught at every level in the school curriculum.

“The university quota system is being continued implying the New Economic Policy (NEP) affirmative action policies are firmly to stay in Anwar’s government. A Bumiputera economic congress is being organised for next year, along the same lines as the Malay Dignity Congress was held under Mahathir in 2020.

“The Madani platform Anwar introduced last March makes little mention of Reformasi,” he said.

Hunter added that Anwar’s economic policy was modelled upon International Monetary Fund and World Bank philosophies, very consistent with Anwar’s long-held views on economics.

He said real economic reforms were absent, other than some peripheral announcements and the 12th Malaysia Plan mid-term review saw that the NEP framework still exists within policy.

“Anwar appears to be still in pursuit of completing the job he couldn’t finish as deputy PM and finance minister two decades ago, before his dismissal in 1998. Anwar is very much maintaining Malaysia’s policy trajectory,” he said, adding while Anwar has brought stability to the government, it is not Reformasi.

Weakening of Anwar’s Opposition

In line with bringing stability, it seemed that Anwar’s unity government would hold on better as its rival PN seemed to be facing their own internal issue now.

Former Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Salleh Said Keruak played down any concern over Anwar’s position as PM as there are no serious contenders to deal with from the Opposition side.

Salleh added that PN was not a significant threat and would struggle for support as long as Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin remained as its leader.

“It is normal for the Opposition to criticise the PM daily but criticism without contention leads to nothing.

“This is because the contender (Muhyiddin) is weak politically within his party and within his coalition. I believe PAS is fully aware of Muhyiddin’s lack of leadership as well as popular support,” he wrote in his Facebook post.

Tan Sri Shahrir Samad, a seasoned Umno veteran, previously suggested that Opposition MPs were leaning towards the government due to a lack of familiarity with the PN chairman.

In a notable development, four Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia MPs have openly pledged their support for Anwar’s government. The shift in allegiance includes Datuk Suhaili Abdul Rahman (Labuan), Iskandar Dzulkarnain Abdul Khalid (Kuala Kangsar), Azizi Abu Naim (Gua Musang) and Zahari Kechik ( Jeli).

This move further underscores the complex dynamics within the political landscape, where affiliations are subject to change based on evolving perceptions and considerations.

Meanwhile, some political figures argue that the actual leader of the Opposition coalition is PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang, diverting attention from Muhyiddin, who holds the top post. This perspective adds another layer of complexity to the political narrative, emphasising the intricate web of alliances and power dynamics at play.

Salleh, expressing a level of assurance, asserted that Umno and the majority of East Malaysian political parties are unlikely to join PN, citing concerns about Muhyiddin as a primary factor. He emphasised that this stance has prevented a significant shift in the political landscape, which might have otherwise occurred after the 15th General Election.

Furthermore, Salleh highlighted the enduring impact of the challenges faced during the Covid-19 pandemic under Muhyiddin’s leadership. This serves as a poignant reminder for the public, contributing to the hesitancy and reluctance observed in the political landscape, where memories of past crises continue to influence current political affiliations and decisions.

Muhyiddin was sworn in as the country’s eighth PM on March 1, 2020, following the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government a month before.

He resigned 17 months later against a backdrop of increasing public anger over the Covid-19 surge and internal political squabbles.