If there is one issue prior to campaigning goes into full swing after nomination tomorrow, it would be conjecture that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is in collusion with Umno president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.

The theory is that Ahmad Zahid is prepared to support Anwar for the Prime Minister’s post if Umno did not secure the numbers to form the Government. Umno would instead throw its lot behind Anwar-led Pakatan Harapan.

PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang had publicly made this accusations, to which Anwar had vehemently denied, accusing the former of lying.

But it is doubtful that the speculation would die just on the basis of Anwar’s denial.

After all, the whole idea of the conspiracy and backroom wheeling and dealing with Umno was not plucked out of the air, but rather it was fed by narratives from Anwar and his PKR leaders.

Furthermore, there is a history between Anwar and Zahid that the present batch of PH supporters are probably unaware of, and in many ways than not, if the duo did end up working together, it is almost like settling unfinished business dating back to 1998.

But first, how did the present-day speculation come to the fore?

It has to start from 2021 when efforts to bring about the end of Tan Sri Mahiaddin Md Yassin’s prime ministership.

On one occasion, Anwar had announced that he had the numbers – strong, formidable and convincing.

Parti Keadilan Rakyat’s secretary general Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution Ismail too had admitted that he was entrusted by his party to negotiate then with Zahid and Mohd Najib Razak as well as other parties in Sabah and Sarawak to secure the numbers needed for Anwar to be PM.

And Anwar, as recently as a few days ago declared that he would have been PM if he was prepared to compromise on his principle and agreed to the release of Najib or then dropping the charges lined up against him.

Simply put, there was a negotiation and it did not work out only because the Umno leaders imposed a condition about freeing Najib.

What is baffling is that given Anwar’s political acumen and that of his PKR other leaders, was he saying that when he entered into negotiation with Umno, in particular with Najib, he did not expect such a condition to be imposed?

And naivety is not something most people would associate with Anwar.

Then of course there were the secret tapes – – purportedly conversations between Zahid and Anwar, including one which a voice sounding like Zahid’s referring to Anwar as his mentor.

Again, the duo had dismissed the recording as fake but many believed it to be authentic.

There’s a history between them that makes such conspiracy believable.

In 1998, at the height of the uprising against President Suharto of Indonesia, university students and other demonstrators chant reformasi and KKN – Kolusi, Korupsi and Nepotisma (Collusion, Corruption and Nepotism) demanding his resignation.

In May 1998 Suharto stepped down.

Following that, similar chants were adopted in Malaysia, sparking speculation forces in Malaysia would be using a similar tactic to force then Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad out of office.

In fact, Amien Rais, considered the reformasi icon in Indonesia was invited to speak at Universiti Malaya, then the Malaysian hotbed for student activism.

Zahid who was then the Umno Youth chief decided to raise the issue of cronyism and nepotism in his speech at the movement’s annual assembly and everyone but everyone believed he was put up to it by Anwar.

But Dr Mahathir was equal, if not better, at it and decided to release details of Government contracts and posts in government-linked companies which exposed Zahid’s extensive participation and Anwar’s impressive number of “cronies”.

All these occurred at time when the nation was grappling with the fallout from the Asian financial crisis which saw massive losses suffered by Malaysia businessmen and industrialists.

It was the crisis and adoption of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) remedy that led to Suharto’s downfall.

Dr Mahathir took a different route, imposing unconventional currency and capital controls which eventually stabilised the nation’s economy.

But Anwar’s supporters continue to take to the streets after his sacking and later on incarceration for abuse of power and sodomy.

While it is convenient for the Opposition to accuse Dr Mahathir of using the sodomy case to silence Anwar, probably not many will remember that accusations about Anwar’s sexual indiscretions were first made public by a DAP stalwart.

In fact, the DAP stalwart demanded that Dr Mahathir take action against Anwar for it.

In 1999, when the General Election was held, Dr Mahathir’s Umno and Barisan Nasional managed to secure the two-thirds majority but saw major losses among Umno big-wigs.

It also, however saw top DAP leaders losing their seats and many attributed it to the non-Malays, especially the Chinese business class of being grateful for his handling of the crisis.

To them, Dr Mahathir did not only extend Government assistance to Bumiputra entrepreneurs but to all others who were struggling to stay afloat.

The pendulum has however swung to the other extreme.

Anwar is now the darling of the non-Malays while Dr Mahathir is supported only by those who remember.

Against the backdrop, it is therefore not surprising for speculations of Anwar and Zahid had again rekindled the flickering fires.

And of course, to finish unfinished business.